President Trump Cannot Legally Impose Tariffs Using Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974

Trump’s Tariff Gambit: The Legal Loophole That Could Change Global Trade Forever

In a stunning development that has sent shockwaves through the global economic community, the Trump administration is reportedly preparing an unprecedented legal maneuver to bypass potential Supreme Court restrictions on its controversial tariff policies. According to recent reports from the New York Times, if the highest court strikes down tariffs imposed under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), officials are eyeing alternative legal authorities to maintain their aggressive trade stance.

The most intriguing—and legally dubious—option under consideration involves Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974, a provision that has remained dormant for over five decades. This obscure statute, crafted during the tumultuous economic landscape of the early 1970s, grants the president authority to impose temporary import surcharges of up to 15% for a maximum of 150 days under specific circumstances.

However, a closer examination of this provision reveals a fundamental disconnect between the Trump administration’s potential plans and the actual legal framework established by Congress. The critical question becomes: can a provision designed for a bygone era of fixed exchange rates be weaponized in today’s floating currency environment?

The Historical Context: When Section 122 Made Sense

To understand why Section 122 represents a legal stretch of epic proportions, we must journey back to the economic chaos of the early 1970s. The Bretton Woods system, established after World War II, had created a global monetary order where most currencies were pegged to the U.S. dollar, which itself was convertible to gold at a fixed rate of $35 per ounce.

By 1971, this system was collapsing under its own weight. European nations and Japan held massive dollar reserves that far exceeded America’s gold reserves in Fort Knox. The inevitable occurred when these countries began demanding gold in exchange for their dollars, creating what economists called a “fundamental international payments problem.”

President Nixon’s response was dramatic and historic. On August 15, 1971, he unilaterally ended the gold standard and imposed a 10% import surcharge to protect against potential surges of foreign goods as other currencies strengthened. This move, known as the “Nixon Shock,” sent global markets into turmoil and ultimately led to the collapse of the Bretton Woods system.

The Legal Framework: What Section 122 Actually Says

Section 122 was introduced in October 1973 as Congress’s attempt to provide statutory guidance for future situations similar to Nixon’s 1971 actions. The provision states that the president may impose temporary import surcharges of up to 15% (or equivalent quotas) for up to 150 days “whenever fundamental international payments problems require special import measures to restrict imports.”

Crucially, the statute specifies three conditions that must be met:

  1. To deal with large and serious United States balance-of-payments deficits
  2. To prevent an imminent and significant depreciation of the dollar in foreign exchange markets
  3. To cooperate with other countries in correcting an international balance-of-payments disequilibrium

The key phrase throughout this provision is “fundamental international payments problems”—a concept that requires careful unpacking.

The Floating Exchange Rate Revolution

In March 1973, just months after Section 122 was introduced, the United States adopted a system of floating exchange rates. This revolutionary change meant that currency values would be determined by market forces rather than government decree. As economist Milton Friedman famously explained, “a system of floating exchange rates completely eliminates the balance-of-payments problem. The [currency] price may fluctuate but there cannot be a deficit or a surplus threatening an exchange crisis.”

This transformation fundamentally altered the economic landscape in which Section 122 was conceived. Under floating exchange rates, the kind of “fundamental international payments problems” that Section 122 was designed to address simply cannot exist. Countries no longer need to maintain large reserves of foreign currency or gold to defend fixed exchange rates. The market automatically adjusts currency values to balance international payments.

The Legal Reality: Why Section 122 Cannot Be Used

The Trump administration’s potential invocation of Section 122 faces insurmountable legal obstacles. The provision’s language is unambiguous: tariffs can only be imposed “whenever fundamental international payments problems require special import measures.” Since the United States has not experienced such problems since adopting floating exchange rates, the statutory trigger simply does not exist.

This interpretation is supported by the fact that Section 122 has never been used since its enactment. The provision’s obsolescence became apparent almost immediately after its passage, as the economic conditions it was designed to address ceased to exist.

Furthermore, the three specific purposes enumerated in Section 122 all relate to problems that arise under fixed exchange rate systems. Balance-of-payments deficits, threatened currency depreciation, and international disequilibrium are all concepts that only make sense when currencies have fixed values that can become misaligned with economic fundamentals.

The Broader Implications for Trade Policy

The Trump administration’s apparent willingness to stretch or reinterpret existing legal authorities raises serious questions about the future of trade policy and the rule of law. If Section 122 can be repurposed to justify tariffs in the absence of the conditions it was designed to address, what other dormant provisions might be similarly exploited?

This approach represents a dangerous precedent where legal authorities are treated as blank checks rather than carefully crafted tools with specific purposes and limitations. It suggests a view of executive power that sees statutory constraints as mere obstacles to be circumvented rather than legitimate boundaries on governmental authority.

The International Response

Global trading partners are watching these developments with growing concern. The potential misuse of Section 122 would represent another escalation in what many see as an increasingly unpredictable and confrontational approach to international trade. Countries that have built their economic strategies around the rules-based trading system established after World War II are particularly alarmed by moves that appear to disregard those rules.

The European Union, China, and other major trading partners have already expressed frustration with the Trump administration’s use of existing trade authorities like Section 301 and Section 232. The potential addition of Section 122 to this arsenal would likely provoke retaliatory measures and further strain international economic relations.

The Economic Consequences

From an economic perspective, the use of Section 122 to impose tariffs would be particularly problematic because it would be based on a false premise. Tariffs imposed under the guise of addressing “fundamental international payments problems” that don’t actually exist would distort markets and create inefficiencies without addressing any real economic issues.

This approach could lead to a cascade of protectionist measures as other countries, seeing the United States disregard established legal frameworks, feel justified in doing the same. The result could be a significant setback for global economic integration and a return to the kind of beggar-thy-neighbor policies that contributed to the Great Depression.

The Legal Battle Ahead

If the Trump administration does attempt to use Section 122 to impose tariffs, it will almost certainly face immediate legal challenges. Courts would need to grapple with questions about statutory interpretation, the meaning of “fundamental international payments problems,” and the extent of presidential authority under existing trade laws.

The outcome of such litigation could have far-reaching implications for the separation of powers and the ability of Congress to constrain executive action through carefully drafted statutory provisions. It could also set precedents for how other dormant or narrowly tailored legal authorities might be repurposed in the future.

Conclusion: A Bridge Too Far?

The potential use of Section 122 represents perhaps the most legally dubious of the Trump administration’s various tariff strategies. Unlike Section 301 or Section 232, which have been used by multiple administrations and have established legal precedents, Section 122 is a provision that has never been invoked and whose underlying rationale ceased to exist over 50 years ago.

Attempting to use this provision to impose tariffs would be akin to trying to use a medieval weapon in modern warfare—it might look impressive, but it’s fundamentally unsuited to the task at hand. The legal, economic, and diplomatic costs of such an approach would likely far outweigh any potential benefits.

As the Supreme Court prepares to rule on the constitutionality of tariffs imposed under IEEPA, the global community will be watching closely to see whether the Trump administration opts for a more conventional approach or continues down the path of legal creativity that has characterized much of its trade policy. The answer could determine not just the fate of specific tariff measures, but the future of the rules-based international trading system itself.


Tags

Trump tariffs, Section 122, Trade Act 1974, floating exchange rates, Bretton Woods system, Nixon Shock, international payments problems, balance of payments, currency depreciation, import surcharges, trade policy, legal loophole, Supreme Court, economic crisis, global trade, protectionism, executive power, statutory interpretation, floating currency, gold standard, international economic relations

Viral Sentences

“The Trump administration is reportedly preparing to use a 50-year-old law that was designed for a world that no longer exists.”

“Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 has never been used because the problem it was designed to solve disappeared decades ago.”

“Trying to use Section 122 today is like trying to use a medieval weapon in modern warfare—it’s fundamentally unsuited to the task at hand.”

“The Trump administration’s approach to trade law suggests a view of executive power that sees statutory constraints as mere obstacles to be circumvented.”

“If the Supreme Court strikes down IEEPA tariffs, the administration’s backup plan might be legally dubious enough to make even their critics do a double-take.”

“The potential misuse of Section 122 would represent another escalation in what many see as an increasingly unpredictable approach to international trade.”

“Courts would need to grapple with whether a provision designed for fixed exchange rates can be repurposed for a floating currency world.”

“This approach could lead to a cascade of protectionist measures as other countries feel justified in disregarding established legal frameworks.”

“The legal, economic, and diplomatic costs of using Section 122 would likely far outweigh any potential benefits.”

“The answer to whether Section 122 gets used could determine not just the fate of specific tariff measures, but the future of the rules-based international trading system itself.”

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